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Two hundred and twenty one years ago（指1787年）, in a hall that still stands across the street（费城栗树街的独立厅）, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America’s improbable （不大可能的）experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution （迫害）finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention （美国制宪会议）that lasted through the spring of 1787.
The document （美国宪法）they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate （僵局）until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations. （1789 年宪法中直接涉及到奴隶或奴隶制的条款有5条 ，间接涉及的条款则有十余项之多 ，其中最重要的条款有3项 ，即 “五分之三条款”、“奴隶贸易条款”和“逃奴条款”。宪法第1 条第2款第3项规定：当按照各州人口比例分配国会众议院的席位和联邦直接税时，一个黑奴等于五分之三的白人“自由民”。 宪法第1条第9款第1项规定： 在1808年之前，即在宪法生效20年之内，国会不得立法禁止进口奴隶的贸易 。宪法第4条第2款第3项保证：逃亡外州（即非蓄奴州）的黑奴，被抓获后必须物归原主，继续为奴。）
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution – a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment（羊皮纸，指美国宪法。1787年美国宪法写在四页羊皮纸上，共4543个单词） would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part – through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk - to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign – to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together – unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction – towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency（正派） and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.
I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression（“大萧条”） to serve in Patton’s Army （巴顿将军的部队）during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth （堪萨斯州的一个城市）while he was overseas. I’ve gone to some of the best schools in America （指哥伦比亚大学、哈佛大学）and lived in one of the world’s poorest nations（指印尼）. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners – an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared （打上烙印）into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts – that out of many, we are truly one.
Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag（邦联旗） still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.
This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either “too black” or “not black enough.” We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured （努力寻找）every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive（分裂） turn.
On one end of the spectrum, we’ve heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action（鼓励雇佣少数民族成员和妇女等的赞助性措施）; that it’s based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals （天真的自由派）to purchase racial reconciliation（和解） on the cheap. On the other end, we’ve heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate （玷污）both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike. （今年3月，YouTube等网络平台上先后出现Obama的前牧师Reverend Wright的布道片断，其间充斥各种“反美”、反种族主义言论。有的片断是Reverend Wright在9/11后的布道，大略是9/11灾难是美国自找的，根据Christian theology，不是God bless America，而是God damn America，并称美国是USKKKA。有的则是声称Hilary不是黑人，没有受到黑人所遭受的各种不公正待遇，而Obama了解黑人是如何在这个白人统治的国家挣扎的。这些网络片断经美国各大主流媒体转载和反复播放，在舆论中掀起轩然大波。Reverend Wright 使Obama皈依Christiananity，为Obama主持婚礼并给他的孩子受洗，Obama视其为spiritual advisor。Obama与Reverend Wright的密切关系使他受到来自各方的压力，要求他澄清自己的立场。Obama阵营开始时对此采取不予评论的态度，却招致更大不满。Obama出于竞选政治考虑，发表声明谴责Reverend Wright的言论，但主流媒体仍然对此穷追不舍。）。
I have already condemned, in unequivocal （不含糊的）terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging （使人不安宁的）questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely – just as I’m sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis （犹太教中负责执行教规、律法并主持宗教仪式的人）with which you strongly disagreed.
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country – a view that sees white racism as endemic（地方性的，局限于某一地区的）, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart （坚强的）allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse （刚愎的、乖张的）and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.
As such, Reverend Wright’s comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems – two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures （漫画）being peddled （沿街叫卖）by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way.
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